Friday, 1 August 2014

Medicinal cannabis: delaying the inevitable?

Medicinal cannabis: delaying the inevitable?

Date

Alex Wodak

Experts, not politicians, should also be deciding whether and how cannabis is regulated as a medicine.
Experts, not politicians, should also be deciding whether and how cannabis is regulated as a medicine. Photo: Reuters
In the 1990s, a woman was admitted to St Vincent’s Hospital, Sydney, with cancer of the uterus. She was told that chemotherapy followed by a hysterectomy would give her an excellent chance of cure. Unfortunately, she developed severe nausea and vomiting after chemotherapy. As none of the conventional medications suppressed her distressing symptoms, she decided that the treatment was worse than the disease and stopped her chemotherapy. The patient’s nurses then contacted me. Cannabis was provided to the patient and stopped her vomiting. The patient then completed her chemotherapy and had a hysterectomy. Today she is alive and well and teaching.
Australians with distressing symptoms from serious conditions are still unable to legally try to alleviate their symptoms with medicinal cannabis. The conventional medicines for these conditions often work but they are sometimes ineffective or produce unacceptable side effects.
A large recent Reachtel poll showed that 66 per cent of Australians support and 14 per cent oppose medicinal cannabis. There are majorities of supporters of medicinal cannabis among voters for the major political parties (Liberal/National, ALP, Greens, PUP), men, women and the four major age groups. The ban on using medicinal cannabis does not have ‘the consent of the governed’ and hasn’t for a long time. Hence the civil disobedience supply of medicinal cannabis in many parts of the country.
Private Members Bills to allow medicinal cannabis have now been announced in three jurisdictions (NSW, House of Representatives, ACT Legislative Assembly) with a parliamentary inquiry scheduled in Tasmania and the leader of the Opposition in Western Australia declaring public support. The political battle is not over yet but politically we are somewhere between the end of the beginning and the beginning of the end.    
Advertisement
The main problem with medicinal cannabis is that this is a medical issue being decided by politicians. It’s time to take the politics out of the issue. Experts regulate medicines like penicillin, not politicians. Experts, not politicians, should also be deciding whether and how cannabis is regulated as a medicine.
When used medicinally, studies show that cannabis is often effective in relieving distressing symptoms in a number of conditions while the side effects are minimal. It is wrong to draw conclusions about side effects of cannabis from studies of recreational cannabis just as it would be wrong to assess the safety of regulated alcohol from studies of bootleg liquor.
People with advanced cancer and parents of children with rare and intractable forms of childhood epilepsy have recently begun to brave the media to discuss how medicinal cannabis had helped them and their families. They have testified that the symptoms of these diseases and the side effects of the treatments have been much worse than any side effects of medicinal cannabis. The question should not be whether medicinal cannabis is usually more effective then conventional medications but whether patients should be able to benefit from cannabis if the conventional medications have been tried and failed.
More than two-thirds of Australians support the use of medicinal cannabis because they see this as a compassionate approach to suffering patients. Almost three-quarters of Australians believe we should be doing more research on medicinal cannabis. At present, getting funding, official approval and supplies of medicinal cannabis in order to carry out scientific research is almost impossible. Very few studies of medicinal cannabis have been carried out in Australia or the US.
All nine Australian health ministers oppose medicinal cannabis. Why? Supply has been a problem but the establishment of Tasman Health Cannabinoids, a company chaired by Dr Mal Washer, until recently a federal politician, is a very encouraging development. The states and territories would require approval from the Therapeutics Goods Administration before a new medicine can be used and that involves an expensive process. For centuries western health authorities have been trying to replace medicinal plants with extracts and for good reason.
Cannabis may be one medicine where for the time being the plant is superior to the extracts. 
Perhaps the main reason for the official resistance is the fear that medicinal cannabis would undermine the prohibition of recreational cannabis. Australia uses morphine, cocaine, amphetamine and ketamine medically but the recreational use of these drugs is banned. If our politicians wanted to they could allow the medicinal use of cannabis but continue to prohibit its recreational use. 
Medicinal cannabis is now available in 23 of the 50 states of the US (plus Washington DC). Recreational use of cannabis in the states which allow medicinal cannabis is no different than in the states which do not allow it. About 20 countries now allow medicinal cannabis. Why not Australia?
Opponents of medicinal cannabis argue that there are already several cannabinoid medicines which are legally registered for multiple sclerosis, chemotherapy-induced nausea and vomiting, and AIDS-related weight loss patients who need them. This is simply not true. Nabiximols (Sativex) is only approved (for use for a short period) for one condition (stiffness due to multiple sclerosis). Even for patients who satisfy the stringent criteria it is more available in theory than practise. If available and approved for other indications, the likely cost ($800/month) will prevent all but the wealthiest using the drug. Older cannabinoid medicines such as Dronabinol were hardly used. They were slowly and unpredictably absorbed and therefore difficult to use.
It’s usual to start new treatments on a small scale and maybe expand later if a case can be made for expansion. But we should start with the conditions where the evidence for far greater benefit than risk is already clear.
It’s time.
Dr Alex Wodak AM
President, Australian Drug Law Reform Foundation

Medicinal cannabis: delaying the inevitable?

Medicinal cannabis: delaying the inevitable?

Date

Alex Wodak

Experts, not politicians, should also be deciding whether and how cannabis is regulated as a medicine.
Experts, not politicians, should also be deciding whether and how cannabis is regulated as a medicine. Photo: Reuters
In the 1990s, a woman was admitted to St Vincent’s Hospital, Sydney, with cancer of the uterus. She was told that chemotherapy followed by a hysterectomy would give her an excellent chance of cure. Unfortunately, she developed severe nausea and vomiting after chemotherapy. As none of the conventional medications suppressed her distressing symptoms, she decided that the treatment was worse than the disease and stopped her chemotherapy. The patient’s nurses then contacted me. Cannabis was provided to the patient and stopped her vomiting. The patient then completed her chemotherapy and had a hysterectomy. Today she is alive and well and teaching.
Australians with distressing symptoms from serious conditions are still unable to legally try to alleviate their symptoms with medicinal cannabis. The conventional medicines for these conditions often work but they are sometimes ineffective or produce unacceptable side effects.
A large recent Reachtel poll showed that 66 per cent of Australians support and 14 per cent oppose medicinal cannabis. There are majorities of supporters of medicinal cannabis among voters for the major political parties (Liberal/National, ALP, Greens, PUP), men, women and the four major age groups. The ban on using medicinal cannabis does not have ‘the consent of the governed’ and hasn’t for a long time. Hence the civil disobedience supply of medicinal cannabis in many parts of the country.
Private Members Bills to allow medicinal cannabis have now been announced in three jurisdictions (NSW, House of Representatives, ACT Legislative Assembly) with a parliamentary inquiry scheduled in Tasmania and the leader of the Opposition in Western Australia declaring public support. The political battle is not over yet but politically we are somewhere between the end of the beginning and the beginning of the end.    
Advertisement
The main problem with medicinal cannabis is that this is a medical issue being decided by politicians. It’s time to take the politics out of the issue. Experts regulate medicines like penicillin, not politicians. Experts, not politicians, should also be deciding whether and how cannabis is regulated as a medicine.
When used medicinally, studies show that cannabis is often effective in relieving distressing symptoms in a number of conditions while the side effects are minimal. It is wrong to draw conclusions about side effects of cannabis from studies of recreational cannabis just as it would be wrong to assess the safety of regulated alcohol from studies of bootleg liquor.
People with advanced cancer and parents of children with rare and intractable forms of childhood epilepsy have recently begun to brave the media to discuss how medicinal cannabis had helped them and their families. They have testified that the symptoms of these diseases and the side effects of the treatments have been much worse than any side effects of medicinal cannabis. The question should not be whether medicinal cannabis is usually more effective then conventional medications but whether patients should be able to benefit from cannabis if the conventional medications have been tried and failed.
More than two-thirds of Australians support the use of medicinal cannabis because they see this as a compassionate approach to suffering patients. Almost three-quarters of Australians believe we should be doing more research on medicinal cannabis. At present, getting funding, official approval and supplies of medicinal cannabis in order to carry out scientific research is almost impossible. Very few studies of medicinal cannabis have been carried out in Australia or the US.
All nine Australian health ministers oppose medicinal cannabis. Why? Supply has been a problem but the establishment of Tasman Health Cannabinoids, a company chaired by Dr Mal Washer, until recently a federal politician, is a very encouraging development. The states and territories would require approval from the Therapeutics Goods Administration before a new medicine can be used and that involves an expensive process. For centuries western health authorities have been trying to replace medicinal plants with extracts and for good reason.
Cannabis may be one medicine where for the time being the plant is superior to the extracts. 
Perhaps the main reason for the official resistance is the fear that medicinal cannabis would undermine the prohibition of recreational cannabis. Australia uses morphine, cocaine, amphetamine and ketamine medically but the recreational use of these drugs is banned. If our politicians wanted to they could allow the medicinal use of cannabis but continue to prohibit its recreational use. 
Medicinal cannabis is now available in 23 of the 50 states of the US (plus Washington DC). Recreational use of cannabis in the states which allow medicinal cannabis is no different than in the states which do not allow it. About 20 countries now allow medicinal cannabis. Why not Australia?
Opponents of medicinal cannabis argue that there are already several cannabinoid medicines which are legally registered for multiple sclerosis, chemotherapy-induced nausea and vomiting, and AIDS-related weight loss patients who need them. This is simply not true. Nabiximols (Sativex) is only approved (for use for a short period) for one condition (stiffness due to multiple sclerosis). Even for patients who satisfy the stringent criteria it is more available in theory than practise. If available and approved for other indications, the likely cost ($800/month) will prevent all but the wealthiest using the drug. Older cannabinoid medicines such as Dronabinol were hardly used. They were slowly and unpredictably absorbed and therefore difficult to use.
It’s usual to start new treatments on a small scale and maybe expand later if a case can be made for expansion. But we should start with the conditions where the evidence for far greater benefit than risk is already clear.
It’s time.
Dr Alex Wodak AM
President, Australian Drug Law Reform Foundation


Read more: http://www.brisbanetimes.com.au/comment/medicinal-cannabis-delaying-the-inevitable-20140731-zywp8.html#ixzz398eqD53L

Sunday, 12 January 2014

Texas open carry illegal arrest.




http://youtu.be/S8UXEFhyBz4

Seemingly, American citizen's know theirs Laws and Rights, and are willing to argue
these Rights when their Rights are not forthcoming.
6th Amendment = The officer must cite the Law that citizen is being arrested with in full.

Do you know if this applies ( Officer to state the actual Law - in full - before or at site of arrest)?
Check it out!


Omaha, NE Police using excessive force


Sunday, 10 February 2013

http://www.blogger.com/blog-this.do?zx=1uijj0814ir2s

http://www.blogger.com/blog-this.do?zx=1uijj0814ir2s

Blanking Bradley Manning: NYT and AP Launch Operation Amnesia




Blanking Bradley Manning: NYT and AP Launch Operation Amnesia


Written by Chris Floyd
Friday, 30 November 2012 14:39
On Thursday, Bradley Manning, one of the foremost prisoners of conscience in the world today, testified in open court -- the first time his voice has been heard since he was arrested, confined and subjected to psychological torture by the U.S. government.

An event of some newsworthiness, you might think. Manning has admitted leaking documents that detailed American war crimes in the invasion and occupation of Iraq. He has been held incommunicado for more than 900 days by the Obama administration. Reports of his treatment at the hands of his captors have sparked outrage, protests and concern around the world. He was now going to speak openly in a pre-trial hearing on a motion to dismiss his case because of that treatment. Surely such a moment of high courtroom drama would draw heavy media coverage, if only for its sensationalistic aspects.

But if you relied on the nation's pre-eminent journal of news reportage, the New York Times, you could have easily missed notice of the event altogether, much less learned any details of what transpired in the courtroom. The Times sent no reporter to the hearing, but contented itself with a brief bit of wire copy from AP, tucked away on Page 3, to note the occasion.

That story -- itself considered of such little importance by AP that it didn't even by-line the piece (perhaps the agency didn't send a reporter either, but simply picked up snippets from other sources) -- reduced the entire motion, and the long, intricate, systematic government attack on Manning's psyche, to a matter of petty petulance on Manning's part, a whiner's attempt to weasel out of what's coming to him. This is AP's sole summary of the motion and its context:
Private Manning is trying to avoid trial in the WikiLeaks case. He argues that he was punished enough when he was locked up alone in a small cell for nearly nine months at the brig in Quantico and had to sleep naked for several nights.
It is clear what the unnamed writer wants the reader to take away from his passage. We are supposed to think: "That's it? That's all he's got? That they gave him a private room and made him sleep in the buff for a few nights? Is that supposed to be torture?"

As we noted here the other day, the New York Times is the pacesetter for the American media; it plays a large part in setting the parameters of acceptable discourse and honing the proper attitude that serious, respectable people should take toward current events. The paper's treatment of Manning's court appearance is exemplary in this regard. The case is worth noting, yes, but only briefly, in passing; Manning himself is a rather pathetic figure whose treatment by the government, while perhaps not ideal in all respects, has not been especially harsh or onerous. This is what serious, respectable people are meant to believe about the case; and millions do.

For the actual details of Manning's hearing -- which actually began a few days before his appearance -- you have to turn to foreign papers, such as the Guardian, whose coverage of Manning's situation has been copious. The Guardian provided two long stories (here and here), totalling 68 paragraphs, on Manning's testimony, both written by one the paper's leading reporters, Ed Pilkington, who was actually present in the courtroom. This was preceded by three long stories (here, here and here), also by Pilkington reporting on the scene, about previous testimony in the hearing, from the brig's commander and from the Marine psychiatrist overseeing Manning's condition.

As noted, the Times provided only the single wire story, 11 paragraphs long, during the entire week of testimony. Contrast this to the paper of record's treatment of those other prisoners of conscience, Pussy Riot, when they were put on trial by the Russian government this summer. In an eight-day period surrounding the trial, the Times ran no less that 14 stories on Pussy Riot's plight. Later this fall, when sentencing hearings were held for the group, the NYT ran 13 stories in a comparable time period.

I believe Pussy Riot's case warranted such coverage. But certainly Manning's case -- involving revelations of war crime, mass murder, brutality and his own unconscionable treatment by an American government that lectures other nations, including Russia, about impartial justice and human rights -- is of at least equal weight. But of course, it is easier -- not to mention more politic, and profitable -- to run 27 stories about the Kremlin's harsh and wildly disproportionate punishment for an act of civil disobedience while dribbling out a single reductive, dismissive story about entirely similar actions by the American government.

Again, recall the NYT/AP appraisal of Manning's motion: "He argues that he was punished enough when he was locked up alone in a small cell for nearly nine months" and had to "sleep naked for several nights." Here, from Pilkington, is what really happened. We begin with Manning's treatment in Kuwait, where he was first incarcerated -- a period entirely ignored by the NYT, although it took up much of his six-hour testimony.
"I didn't know what was going on, I didn't have formal charges or anything, my interactions were very limited with anybody else, so it was very draining."

[Manning] was put on a schedule whereby he would be woken up at 10 o'clock at night and given lights out at 2 o'clock in the afternoon. "My nights blended into my days and my days into nights," he told the court. … The guards stopped taking him out of his cell so that he became entirely cut off from human company. "Someone tried to explain to me why, but I was a mess, I was starting to fall apart." Military police began coming into his cell in a tent in the Kuwaiti desert two or three times a day doing what they called a "shakedown": searching the cell and tearing it apart in the process.
Eventually, Manning was strapped into an airplane and transported to the Marine Corps prison at Quantico, Virginia. There he was placed under the brig's most restrictive regime:
…no contact with other people, being kept in his cell for more than 23 hours a day, being checked every five minutes, sleeping on a suicide mattress with no bedding, having his prescription glasses taken away, lights kept on at night, having toilet paper removed.

… [The cell was] 6ft by 8ft. The cell contained a toilet that was in the line of vision of the observation booth, and he was not allowed toilet paper. When he needed it, he told the court, he would stand to attention by the front bars of the cell and shout out to the observation guards: "Lance Corporal Detainee Manning requests toilet paper!" …

For the first few weeks of his confinement in Quantico he was allowed only 20 minutes outside the cell, known as a "sunshine call". Even then whenever he left his cell – and this remained the case throughout his nine months at the marine brig – he was put into full restraint: his hands were handcuffed to a leather belt around his waist and his legs put in irons, which meant that he could not walk without a staff member holding him. …

He was under observation throughout the night, with a fluorescent light located right outside the cell blazing into his eyes. While asleep he would frequently cover his eyes with his suicide blanket, or turn on to his side away from the light, and on those occasions, sometimes three times a night, the guards would bang on his cell bars to wake him up so they could see his face. … He was forbidden from taking exercise in his cell, and … allowed out of the cell for at most one hour a day for the entire nine months at Quantico.
The official reason given for this treatment was Manning's mental health; he was supposedly a "suicide risk" who must be kept under special measures. This assessment by the brig commander was refuted by the brig's own psychiatrist, who testified during this week's hearing:
The psychiatrist who treated the WikiLeaks suspect, Bradley Manning, while he was in custody in the brig at Quantico has testified that his medical advice was regularly ignored by marine commanders who continued to impose harsh conditions on the soldier even though he posed no risk of suicide.

Captain William Hoctor told Manning's pre-trial hearing at Fort Meade that he grew frustrated and angry at the persistent refusal by marine officers to take on board his medical recommendations. The forensic psychiatrist said that he had never experienced such an unreceptive response from his military colleagues, not even when he treated terrorist suspects held at Guantanamo.

"I had been a senior medical officer for 24 years at the time, and I had never experienced anything like this. It was clear to me they had made up their mind on a certain course of action, and my recommendations had no impact," Hoctor said. ….

By 27 August 2010, Hoctor testified, he had spent enough time with Manning to recommend a further easing of conditions. From then on he advised in a regular weekly report that Manning should be … returned to the general brig population.

… The blanket denial of his expert opinion was unprecedented in his quarter century of practice, the psychiatrist said. "Even when I did tours in Guantanamo and cared for detainees there my recommendations on suicidal behaviour were followed."
Hoctor said he openly protested about the thwarting of his expert opinion at a meeting with the commander responsible for the brig, Colonel Robert Oltman, on 13 January 2011. … Hoctor said that the marine commanders should no longer pretend they were acting out of medical concern for the detainee. "It wasn't good for Manning. I really didn't like them using a psychiatric standard when I thought it clinically inappropriate," Hoctor said.

The court heard that Oltman replied: "You make your recommendations, and we'll do what we want to do."
This is the treatment that Barack Obama upheld in his one public comment on the case, in 2011. Obama said that Manning's treatment was "appropriate and meeting our basic standards." In a private fundraiser that year, Obama went further and declared Manning -- who is yet to stand trial -- guilty: "He broke the law." As Horton said, the government had made up its mind "on a certain course of action" -- trying to break Manning's mind and will in its larger goal of punishing WikiLeaks for its multiple revelations of Washington's crime and folly around the world. And from brig commander to commander-in-chief, it followed this course with admirable discipline.

As Pilkington notes, it was one of Manning's efforts to show how sane he was -- and his misplaced trust in a guard -- that led to the most infamous aspect of his imprisonment: the forced nudity that his captors found so titillating:
[Manning] related how he turned for help to one particular member of staff at the brig at Quantico marine base in Virginia where he was taken in July 2010. He assumed that Staff Sergeant Pataki was on his side, so opened up to him.

"I wanted to convey the fact that I'd been on the [restrictive regime] for a long time. I'm not doing anything to harm myself. I'm not throwing myself against walls, or jumping up or down, or putting my head in the toilet."

Manning told Pataki that "if I was a danger to myself I would act out more". He used his underwear and flip-flops as an example, insisting that "if I really wanted to hurt myself I could use things now: underwear, flip-flops, they could potentially be used as something to harm oneself"…. Manning felt good about his interaction with Pataki. "I felt like he was listening and understanding, and he smiled a little. I thought I'd actually started to get through to him."

That night guards arrived at his cell and ordered him to strip naked. He was left without any clothes overnight, and the following morning made to stand outside his cell and stand to attention at the brig count, still nude, as officers inspected him.

The humiliating ritual continued for several days, and right until the day he was transferred from Quantico on 20 April 2011 he had his underwear removed every night. …
All this is what the Times and AP have reduced to nothing more than being "locked up alone in a small cell" and having to "sleep naked for several nights." Nothing at all about the draconian restrictions; nothing at all about "shakedowns," wake-ups, 24-hour surveillance in bright light (even on the toilet), isolation, chains, deprivation, betrayal, interrogation, and forced nudity -- not just when he was sleeping (in bright light, under observation) but also out in corridors, while "officers inspected him."

All of this has been erased by the 'objective' reporting of the NYT and AP. None of this is to be known or considered by serious, respectable people. It didn't happen. It doesn't matter. Manning is a whiner who made America look bad, and in doing so, he helped a website that made America look bad. That's all that really matters. The details of his treatment -- not to mention the details of what he and WikiLeaks revealed -- are unimportant. You don't have to think about it. Just nod your head, shrug your shoulders, and go about your business.

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Social Animal trying to live on the dark, mean, and hungry side of Town.